Expectations about police responses to disorderly campus gatherings are explored here using details about nearly 400 disorderly convivial gatherings and confrontational protests that occurred during recent decades. Past work suggests that protests may represent threats to authorities, but protests also are privileged by the First Amendment, yielding conflicting expectations about the forcefulness of police responses. In contrast, convivial gatherings, even those that breach the public order, may be less threatening to authorities, while at the same time more difficult to police because of their comparative lack of social organization. Analyzing details of the gatherings, we find that while police frequently attempt to disperse disturbances of both kinds, they use force in only a small minority of them. However, police are substantially more likely to use force when protest participants also use force than when convivial participants do, suggesting that the relationship between threat and police response is heavily contingent upon the nature of the event as well as the behavior of participants. The findings highlight the interplay between the internal dynamics of gatherings and the way they are perceived by authorities. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

In looking forward to the important issues of this coming decade, we need only turn to the events of the past year for a sense of what is at stake for theatre, performance, and performance pedagogy. Last year, student activists protested racism on college and university campuses across the United States. At Yale, students protested the hostile racial climate on campus following several incidents, including a professor's dismissal of concerns about racist Halloween costumes, numerous swastika graffiti, and the explicit exclusion of black women from fraternity events. At the University of Missouri, the student group Concerned Student 1950—named for the year the first black students were admitted to the university—called for the resignation of university president, Tim Wolfe, citing the administration's inaction in the face of numerous racist incidents on campus. At Ithaca College, Claremont McKenna University, the University of Kansas, and many other colleges and universities across the United States, students held rallies, performed die-ins, and signed petitions in support of students at the University of Missouri and Yale and to call attention to inequality on their own campuses. Set against the backdrop of Ferguson and an increased awareness of institutionalized violence against black and brown bodies, these events remind us that colleges and universities have always been sites where racial discrimination and inequality have been both perpetuated and protested.

History suggests universities are hotbeds of political protest. However, the generality and causal nature of this relationship has never been quantified. This article investigates whether universities give rise to political protest, drawing on geocoded information on the location and characteristics of universities and protest events in the 1991–2016 period, at the subnational level in 62 countries in Africa and Central America. Our analysis indicates that university establishments increase protest. We use a difference-in-differences and fixed-effect framework leveraging the temporal variation in universities within subnational grid-cells to estimate the effect of universities on protest. Our analysis indicates that localities with increases in number of universities experience more protest. We suggest a causal interpretation, after performing different tests to evaluate whether this reflects confounding trends specific to locations that establish universities, finding no support for this. We also provide descriptive evidence on the nature of university-related protests, showing that they are more likely to emerge in dictatorships and that protests in university locations are more likely to concern democracy and human rights. These findings yield important general insights into universities’ role as drivers of contentious collective action.

Palestinian universities have been a dynamic force across Palestinian communities since their inception under Israeli occupation in the early 1970s. What began as initiatives of private families or religious foundations to provide local access to higher education soon grew into a widespread presence across Palestinian communities that has had a profound impact on Palestinian national identity and the persistence of Palestine as a nation. This study specifically argues that Palestinian universities have provided Palestinian communities with the physical and conceptual space 10 sustain the nation of Palestine by enabling Palestinians to define and articulate a Palestinian national identity, engage in resistance to the Israeli Occupation of Palestine, and build the nation of Palestine in the absence of a Palestinian state. This Study considers the case of Palestinian universities in an effort to shed light on what enables the university to consistently contribute to the human experience over time and across space.

Student youth have been at the centre of social and political unrest in the Middle East since the era of reforms under the Ottoman Empire. However, although nationalist and revolutionary leaders encouraged students to actively participate in politics 'for the sake of the nation' during the first half of the twentieth century, revolutionary regimes progressively sought to 'depoliticise' them, once again 'for the sake of the nation', throughout the second half of the century. This article explores both dynamics while seeking to account for the failure of attempts to depoliticise the student body 'from above' in Egypt, Iraq and Turkey between 1948 and 1963. Reprinted by permission of Taylor and Francis

Texas A&M, a public land grant university in College Station, Texas, has a long history of engagement with the Bush family. These ties highlight the university's entanglement with US imperial enterprises, which extend into the Persian Gulf. George H. W. Bush's own explanation of why he decided to place his presidential library at the campus despite not attending Texas A&M focused on these connections: “Over the years, Aggies have provided great service to the Armed Forces of our country. Patriotism abounds at A&M.” Meanwhile, Qatar hosts the largest concentration of US troops abroad. The US military's Central Command is at Al Udeid Air Base, not far from the Education City complex that hosts TAMUQ and several branch campuses of American and other foreign universities. The students at these institutions are Qatari citizens, South Asian and Arab immigrants, and international students, primarily from Asia, Africa, and the Middle East.

This study investigated the causes, consequences and control of student protests, especially the EndSARS (Special Anti-Robbery Squad) protest. A descriptive survey was adopted for the study. A total of 600 undergraduates, selected by multi-stage sampling, participated in the study. Three research questions were raised and a questionnaire titled Causes, Consequences and Control of Youth Protest Questionnaire (CCCYPQ) was used to collect data. The findings showed that the protest was caused by extra-judicial killings, assaults, harassment, extortion, bad governance, and youth unemployment. In addition, the findings indicated that the consequences of the protest include destruction of lives and property, hacking of the websites of public ministries, departments, agencies and corporate organizations, destruction of public infrastructural facilities, and disruption of academic activities in schools. The various control measures include disbandment of SARS, compensation for victims of police brutality, and provision of skills acquisition programmes and employment opportunities for youths. There were no significant gender differences in the perceived causes, consequences and control of the protest. Based on the findings, it was recommended that dialogue and collaborative decision-making should be employed in controlling student protest.

The democratization of higher education (HE) has been interpreted from various perspectives in many country-specific case studies. Yet, it has been overlooked that in authoritarian regimes the democratization of HE may involve the development of freedom of expression, an element taken for granted in democratic societies. Growing research on the implications of COVID-19 on HE fails to cover the emergence of democratization of HE in the form of freedom of expression practiced by university students. This research examines post-Soviet Uzbekistan to analyse how the practising of freedom of expression emerged among the student body during the pandemic era in the country and how the Uzbek government responded to and resolved the matter. Based on this case, it is argued that in authoritarian states the HE democratization framework can include the development of freedom of expression in the form of student protests that, in this article's case, emerge as concomitant to the pandemic.

Abstract By assembling more than fifty hours of interviews with eleven former Uyghur students and teachers, alongside an array of published and unpublished textual documents, this article offers the most complete history of the Uyghur student movements of the 1980s—in the face of considerable neglect and confusion. It argues, first, that the university functioned as a social, intellectual, and political space that allowed Uyghurs to develop their ethno-national identity, build shared grievances, and mobilize politically. Second, it argues that the December 1985 Uyghur student movement was a foundational turning point in the erosion of Hu Yaobang's accommodationist ethnicity policies of the early 1980s, changing how the Party-state diagnosed the reasons for Xinjiang's instability and delimited Uyghur political participation in the People's Republic of China. This article further unsettles later attempts by Chinese scholars to retroactively characterize the student movement as essentially separatist and the work of behind-the-scenes plotters.

In 1994 a major student occupation took place at the Australian National University (ANU) in Canberra in response to plans to introduce upfront fees. Coming twenty years after a similar 1974 occupation at ANU, the past was weaponised both by critics of the occupations and activists themselves. Critics argued that the 1990s protestors were solely motivated by self-interest and that their activism was far inferior to the radicalism of the Long Sixties. Simultaneously, activists invited veterans of the 1974 occupation to speak to the protestors and tried to treat the past pedagogically. Drawing on extensive oral history, this article analyses the 1994 occupations. It argues that the occupations have helped to complicate a historiographic narrative of the student movement's decline and moderation since the 1960s. Interviews show the thought, creativity and emotion invested in the occupations and their long-term effect on people's lives. Unlike 1974, activists resisted management attempts to funnel protest into bureaucracy. Above all, the occupation provided a glimpse into an alternative world, where student radicals "lived and breathed the occupation" and where "full on fucking direct democracy" could function, even if only momentarily.

This is a paper on the transformation of campus activism in Japan since the 1990’s. Japan’s so-called freeter movements (movements of young men and women lacking regular employment) are often said to have emerged as young people shifted their base of activism from campuses to the “street”. However, campuses have continued to play a role in activism. Although the radical student organisations of the New Left have waned, new movements are forming among students and precarious university employees in response to neoliberalization trends in society and the precarization of their conditions. This transformation has gone hand in hand with a shift of action repertoire towards forms of direct action such as squatting, sitins, hunger strikes, and opening “cafés”. In this paper I focus on the development of campus protest in Kyoto from the mid-1990s until today to shed light on the following questions: How have campus-based activists responded to the neoliberalization of Japanese universities? What motivates them to use art or art-like forms of direct action and how are these activities related to space? I investigate the notions of space towards which activists have been oriented since the 1990’s, focusing on three notions: official public space, counter-space and no-man’s-land. These conceptions of space, I argue, are needed to account for the various forms campus protest has taken since the 1990s.

Two things that happened this 2016–2017 fiscal year: (a) the Muslim Student Association Walk Out and the president requesting Safe Zone training for all campus leaders, which was 70 people sitting through 3 hr of training to make the campus safer for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, questioning, intersex and ally students, faculty, staff, and administrators. Although these changes come with criticism, and they haven’t prevented hate crimes and misguided racism on campus, they are a step in the right direction and a direct result of protests being met with advocacy.

This paper will analyze the 40-day sleep-in and protest at the University of Florida to illustrate the growing popular support for the anti-apartheid movement amongst student and citizen activists in the 1980s. Particular focus will be paid to the issue of divestment, student protests, and public action that called for the university to remove itself from financially supporting the apartheid regime. It will show that student organizations like the UF Coalition for Divestment for South Africa and the Student Coalition Against Apartheid and Racism (SCAAR) represented a wave of public support that dominated this period and acted as a small but crucial component in the eventual toppling of apartheid.

Reflecting on the 2011-2012 youth-led resistance movements in North America, this essay contextualizes and evaluates the Quebec student movement against the increasing influence of neoliberalism on North American and global society as a whole, comparing its strategies and impacts with those of the Occupy movement in particular. The Quebec movement launched a series of protests that awakened society to the prospect of what struggling for a radical democracy might mean, and how crucial free, accessible higher education must be to such a struggle. The key challenge for these social movements will be to continue to develop and circulate their views in the public sphere through forms of political organization that are as coordinated as they are flexible and open to new ideas. Both the Occupy movement and the Quebec student resistance have ignited a new generation of young people who now face the ongoing challenge of developing a language and a politics that integrate a meaningful consideration of public values and imagine the possibilities of a democracy not wedded to the dictates of global capitalism. This emerging public culture should make pedagogy central to its understanding of politics and work diligently to provide alternative subjects, narratives and power relations that contribute to sustainable educational institutions and enlarged public spaces in which matters of knowledge, identity and social responsibility become central to creating a democratic formative culture -- here understood as the very precondition for the modes of agency, public values and engaged citizenship required to support any just and inclusive society. Adapted from the source document.

Mexico's normales rurales, training schools for rural teachers, have long had a reputation for political radicalism. Their students, themselves from campesino households, consistently participated in, and often led, popular protests. This article examines the way in which Gobernación agents reported on the various forms of normalista mobilisation and interrogates the official narrative such documents constructed about these schools. It discusses various methodological uses and shows how, in conjunction with other source-bodies, a researcher may deal with inconsistences, dominant frameworks, and the agents' use of language. Thus analysed, the rural teachers' protest and the government's tactics for combatting it, enhance our understanding of the mechanisms by which the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) ruled Mexico for most of the twentieth century.

Chile's Nueva Mayoría government (2014–2018) responded more forcefully to student demands for a more assertive public role in education than any of its post‐authoritarian predecessors. Existing scholarship suggests that this change reflected the success of the 2011 student protests in tapping into latent public discontent with neoliberalism and the politics of consensus. This article argues that it is also crucial to understand how the wave of protest interacted with the dynamics of party politics at the elite level. Public support translated into substantive policy and institutional changes because it contributed to a coalition and platform shift that favoured more extensive reform.

This article seeks to understand the impressive scale of recent student protests in Chile. It underscores how relative institutional closure to student demands created, in the late 1990s and early 2000s, a growing cleavage between the movement and the political establishment, leading to major innovations in movement identity and organisation. These innovations rendered the movement more attractive to non-activists, helping in later years to diffuse contention from traditional hotbeds of student activism to schools and universities with little history of it.

The winter of 2010-11 saw a significant upsurge of student protest in Britain. This paper analyses the numerous references to 60s' radicalism which circulated in responses to the protests, with a focus on left-wing media. Drawing on performativity theory, the paper traces the highly polarised divisions between affirmations and repudiations of 1968' in responses to the protests. This polarisation, I argue, reflects an absence of a clear-cut collective memory of the British radical 60s. More broadly, the paper sheds light on the hitherto under-explored mechanisms through which memories of 1968' shape the discursive and affective landscape of contemporary radical politics.